Wynn SCOTUS petition seeks to gut anti-SLAPP laws
Media folk, I think you'll want to pay attention to a case seeking Supreme Court review of a libel action by casino magnate Steve Wynn against the AP.
The Times" Adam Liptak is rather sanguine today (gift article) that the court will continue to uphold Times v. Sullivan because of a passing reference to the landmark decision in a recent case to make a general point. (As he writes, the court in such cases rarely cites precedents it might be inclined to overturn.)
But even if the court is not inclined to use this case to revisit Times v. Sullivan, the petition for cert contains another land mine, a second pleading that gives it another option for review. Wynn's lawyers are going head on in trying to gut state anti- SLAPP laws as unconstitutional under the Seventh Amendment.
The petition (PDF) filed Jan. 31 might have been overlooked in all the recent chaos in D.C. since President Trump's inauguration. And Liptak does not address this head-on attack that, if granted and then upheld, could again open the gates to lawfare designed to chill public discourse through, primarily, defamation complaints now known as Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation.
In the petition, Wynn's lawyers argue the court should extend the Constitution's right to a civil jury trial to the states as a mandate that could plow through the heart of anti-SLAPP laws.
Such laws serve as circuit breakers that allow a judge to determine, in most cases before substantial and costly discovery, that a) the defendant has established by preponderance of evidence that the report or commentary was in good faith on a matter of public concern and b) the plaintiff is unlikely to meet the standard to prevail. Since SLAPP suits generally involve those who can be considered public figures, this invokes the "actual malice" standard of Sullivan.
Commentary is important here because anti-SLAPP protections are not just available to journalists and media orgs. Even more important they are available to anyone who wants to make their views known on matters of public interest but then finds they are targeted by the threat of or by an actual lawsuit.
The point of anti-SLAPP laws is to promote public discourse by short circuiting civil lawfare: the tactic of suing someone and forcing them to face spending thousands or tens of thousands of dollars for legal fees in discovery and, likely, to respond to numerous plaintiff motions. before ever reaching a trial. Many of the laws also require that if a SLAPP lawsuit is dismissed under a defendant's invocation of the anti-SLAPP law, the person or organization that originally sued also must pay some or all of their target's legal fees.
Currently, 35 states have anti-SLAPP laws according to the Institute for Free Speech.
I think the Seventh Amendment argument is a stretch. But as Wynn's petition lays out, some state courts have found that anti-SLAPP laws do run afoul of the Consitution, opening the door for SCOTUS to decide to step in.
One should take nothing for granted.
After all, it wasn't that long ago (see the 1995 Food Lion case) that journalists and media organizations suddenly found themselves dealing with what now is a fairly common practice of trying to plead cases using "alternative torts" formed around assertions of violations of privacy, unfair trade practices, breach of loyalty, trespass and other non-defamation claims where truth is not a defense and the malice standard does not apply. (See also some of Trump's latest creative pleadings in his lawsuit against CBS.)
If the court accepts Wynn's petition and then does extend the Seventh Amendment to the states in the way his lawyers assert it should be, the anti-SLAPP era may quickly become a distant memory. One trusts that media orgs and their supporters, as well as numerous other public interest groups, already are gearing up to request leave to file a volley of amicus briefs, if necessary.
But let's not end there, because Wynn's petition has an extensive discussion as to why SCOTUS should take note of the vastly changed media landscape, summarized in this paragraph:
Sullivan is not equipped to handle the world as it is today—media is no longer controlled by companies that employ legions of factcheckers before publishing anv article. Instead, everyone in the world has the ability to publish any statement with a few keystrokes. And in this
age of clickbait journalism, even those members of the legacy media have resorted to libelous headlines and false reports to generate views. This Court need not further this golden era of lies.
Other courts have started taking notice. An Ohio appeals court, reversing a trial court dismissal of a defanation claim against a Columbus TV station, observed the changing media landscape and wrote: “Frankly, a media outlet has a stronger duty to research the facts in such cases than it did when the Lansdowne case was decided.” (Landsdowne is an important controlling case in Ohio defamation law.)
The Ohio Supreme Court firmly slapped down that tentative walk down the path of changing media realities ("The court of appeals set forth the issue before it, quickly established its holding, and then began pontificating. The majority has now attached jurisprudential significance to bloviation.”) and sent the case back to the appeals court, which allowed things to proceed on other grounds.
(The case is Anderson v. WBNS. I was an expert witness for the plaintiffs at a later stage of the case.)
But there is a steady and growing pressure to have courts take note of the modern media landscape. Some are doing so with varying results. I do not think it unreasonable that more will. Wynn's case gives SCOTUS a chance to decide whether conditions are ripe enough to begin journeying down that path with the potential to radically alter the assumptions under which many journalists and media orgs operate.
I'm not sure we've reached that stage. Legal resistance to such major changes is strong, despite some of the things we have seen come out of the high court recently. And there is the observation that the law tends to lag technology by at least a decade.
But we are close to the end of, if not already well past, that decade. (Facebook, afte all, emerged in 2004, Twitter in 2006 and the iPhone in 2007.)
If journalists and others in the media simply think they can chant "Times v. Sullivan" and "actual malice" as some sort of verbal talismans, they are likely to wake up some day and discover not only has Times v. Sullivan lost its (too often assumed) magical powers, but that the entire legal framework under which they thought they could operate has changed drastically to their, and the public's, detriment.
UPDATE: I highly recommend this piece by Ken White, a leading First Amendment lawyer, that explains the ins and outs of SLAPP cases and why a federal anti-,SLAPP law is needed.
Labels: AP., defamation, libel, SCOTUS, SLAPP